America’s Two-Party System Is Doomed … Concern Is What Follows?

In an interview with Finian Cunningham, professor Colin Cavell warns that the United States is on an unsafe cusp of emerging outright fascism– if a genuinely progressive democratic motion is not set in motion.

The United States is facing a historical crisis from its own internal political authority crumbling, according to American government professor Colin Cavell. In the following interview, Cavell takes the long historical view of how the two-party system has been utilized traditionally as a reactionary gadget to hide and support the oligarchic power of U.S. commercialism. The essence of the system is dividing the mass of common working Americans into petty competing camps of 2 parties distracted by reactionary political problems. That mechanism, he contends, has now reached the end of its effectiveness. The system is moribund from ingrained, corrosive social issues of inequality and a lack of political direction, which neither Democrat nor Republican politician Celebration can repair. That, in turn, is creating a crisis of governance for the gentility of American capital. Cavell alerts that the United States is on a dangerous cusp of emerging outright fascism– if a really progressive democratic motion is not mobilized.

Colin S. Cavell is a tenured Full Teacher of Political Science at Bluefield State College, West Virginia. He made his Doctorate of Approach degree in Political Science from the University of Massachusetts at Amherst in 2001. He has previously taught at numerous scholastic institutions across the U.S. and worldwide.


Question: You have actually revealed criticism of the Joe Biden administration, stating that it is pursuing policies that are making it possible for a political return of Donald Trump or Trumpism. First off, could you supply a definition of Trump’s politics?

Colin Cavell: 4 years prior to the German invasion of Poland on September 1, 1939, the Seventh World Congress of the Communist International provided a report by Bulgarian communist Georgi Dimitrov Mihaylov specifying fascism as follows:

Associates, fascism in power was correctly described by the Thirteenth Plenum of the Executive Committee of the Communist International as the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, most chauvinistic and most imperialist elements of financing capital …

Fascism is not a kind of state power “standing above both classes– the proletariat and the bourgeoisie,” as Otto Bauer, for instance, has asserted. It is not “the revolt of the minor bourgeoisie which has actually caught the machinery of the state,” as the British Socialist Brailsford states. No, fascism is not a power standing above class, nor federal government of the minor bourgeoisie or the lumpen-proletariat over financing capital. Fascism is the power of finance capital itself. It is the organization of terrorist vengeance against the working class and the revolutionary section of the peasantry and intelligentsia. In foreign policy, fascism is jingoism in its most brutal type, fomenting bestial hatred of other countries (See footnote 1 listed below).

From 2016 through 2020, the preeminent capitalist power in the world today, the United States, catapulted to the helm of state Donald J. Trump, formerly a real-estate tycoon from New York City. The four years of Trump’s presidency generated various short articles, analyses, and contrasts to the outright fascist programs of Hitler, Mussolini, and Franco, amongst others.

Yes, Trump’s diplomacy pronouncements were jingoistic and fomented hatred of other nations. For instance, who can forget Trump’s threats to:

  • Unleash fire and fury like the world has never ever seen to completely destroy North Korea;
  • Acknowledge unelected opposition political leader Juan Guaido as the genuine president of Venezuela;
  • Re-designating Cuba as a state sponsor of terrorism;
  • Called Iran the number-one terrorist state worldwide and pulled the U.S. out of the 2015 nuclear offer negotiated by the prior Obama Administration;
  • Referred to Haiti and African states as “shit-hole countries”, and so on

. As regards American employees, Trump acted to ingratiate himself with the U.S. working class by asserting that he would bring jobs back to America and become the best job-producing president in history, a pledge he stopped working to keep, as there were over three million fewer tasks in December 2020 than there had actually remained in January 2017, though Trump would argue this was because of the declared “foreign-created” Covid-19 Pandemic or what he disparagingly called the “China Influenza”.

Waging a cultural crusade against U.S. intelligentsia, primarily liberal academic intellectuals connected with or fans of the Democratic Party, Trump pandered to conventional American anti-intellectualism by railing against left-wing academics for their declared rejection of liberty of speech on campus, for their criticism of western civilization and U.S. history, for not raising conservative thinkers into the ranks of academic community, for pandering to non-traditional sexual functions for men and women, for promoting variety and racial level of sensitivity training calling it “racist”, for promoting transgender sports and unisex washrooms, all resulting in the supposed diminution of the U.S. armed forces with the enlistment of transgender employees.

Feeding off resentment of white small-business owners, professionals, and service providers, Trump’s assistance among aspects of the small bourgeoisie was and is still quite palpable, and this is evidenced by the basic structure of such folks taking part in the January 6, 2021, Capitol insurrection in Washington, D.C., and storming of Congress. Though essential to Trump’s increase was the support of a handful of reactionary billionaires who greased his campaign when needed.

Finally, while often posing as a monarchical figure most likely posturing above the conflict in between capital and labor, Trump’s monetary supporters constantly knew on which side of the class divide Trump stood.

Locally, Trump continuously stired racial divisions, gender divisions, and so on by:

  • Declaring that President Obama was not a U.S. person;
  • Informing non-white Congresswomen to return to where they came from;
  • Calling Mexican immigrants “rapists”;
  • Refusing to knock white supremacy, even claiming that he understood nothing about the former-KKK leader and current white supremacist activist David Duke, etc.

. And, of course, name-calling, denigration of individuals, ridicule, and disparagement were foregone conclusion with Trump and, as well, expected and expected by his fans. All of us remember referrals to:

  • Little Rocket Male;
  • Crooked Hilary;
  • Little Marco;
  • Lying Ted;
  • Pocahontas, and so on, etc., etc.

. Yes, most Americans will acknowledge that with Trump guiding the ship of state, there was absolutely a disruption in the force of what previously dominated as stability, advised on by his millions of fans and condemned by millions of his administration’s challengers. But, however, one should not explain Trump’s first governmental term as “the open terrorist dictatorship of the most reactionary, a lot of chauvinistic, and a lot of imperialist aspects of financing capital”, though analysts should be clear that the highest levers of U.S. commercialism, i.e. financing capital, are responsible for raising him to head the U.S. executive branch. The one question that pleads to be answered since Trump’s Electoral College success in 2016 is why the U.S. capitalist class, or major areas of it, would take into power such a polarizing person and concomitantly galvanize or permit to be fomented a political movement to support him?

Was it the huge tax cuts he pressed through Congress for the wealthiest Americans? Was it the multitude of deregulations he pressed through the federal administration? Was it the rearming and restoring of U.S. military forces? Or was it a reaction of white response developed over the previous eight years of the Obama administration?

It is valuable to comprehend that the sinister genius of the U.S. system of ostensibly democratic federal government is built upon the maintenance of 2 pro-capitalist parties: Republican politicians and Democrats, with one party representing the interests of companies and significant capitalists with the other posturing as championing the interests of labor and those excluded or marginalized by the extant socioeconomic system. The taking place dialectic between the 2 parties has effectively held the country together for 245 years to date. Historically, celebrations besides the previous two have actually played these designated functions, though the current setup of parties has been basic a minimum of because the 1960s with the Great Depression of the 1930s having the greatest jolt on the U.S. capitalist system itself. In practice, one celebration plays the heavy to enact essential steps to strengthen the extant capitalist class, and this will, after 4 or eight years (based on the U.S. Constitution), be followed by a velvet-glove capitalist administration that predicts itself as the party that cares.

Hence, while during his presidency, Trump promised that the United States will never ever be a socialist country, trying to distinguish his Republican Celebration from the Democratic Celebration, what most Americans were not fully mindful of is the truth that both major political parties– Democrat and Republican politician– are beholden to major U.S. corporations, banks, investors, and finance capital in basic.

In essence, both major U.S. political celebrations are partisans of the capitalist socioeconomic system. U.S. foreign policies are always relatively constant whether the governing celebration is Republican or Democrat, though, to the typical citizen, there is a significant difference between their policies and proposals. However such differences, in result, are negligible. Previous Senator and Governor of the State of Louisiana Huey Long as soon as described the difference in between the Republican politician and the Democratic Celebrations in the United States, he specified:

The only distinction that I have actually found in between the Democratic management and the Republican management was that a person of them was skinning from the ankle up and the other from the ear down (See footnote 2).

In effect, one just has to have the ability to objectively situate oneself within the capital versus labor structure of the U.S. socioeconomic system to predict how these parties will likely reasonable. It is a system that runs on the basis of class inequality and the necessary upkeep of this class asymmetry.

This system worked well for much of U.S. history, as race, gender, citizenship, etc. served to divide U.S. employees from their class cohabitants therefore allowing the capitalist class– mainly white and male– to accumulate earnings both in the house and abroad while galvanizing employees to eliminate aggressive wars abroad against any peoples bold to challenge U.S. capital dictates or reject American access and control of their markets, economies, politics, etc.

. That game is now over. The ability of U.S. capital to send out employees abroad to fight for the interests of Wall Street is now largely invested. As a result, U.S. capitalists now resort to contracting out much of their military services either abroad or to personal specialists while keeping the domestic population mostly in the dark on precisely who, when, where, and why we are battling and for whom.

With China, Russia, Iran, and other nations now offering the U.S. severe economic and military competition internationally, this positions the U.S. capitalist class in a quandary and, thus, generates unpredictability, perplexity, instability, and existential questioning. This, I contend, is the reason Trump rose to the presidency in 2016; that is, mostly to buttress the U.S. capitalist class in order to give it time to reflect, evaluate, and regroup on a combined plan in which to proceed forward to preserve and secure the U.S. capitalist empire.

Having actually taken the U.S. capitalist state to an extreme while undermining its internal stability, wiser sections of financing capital concluded that Trump had to go; nevertheless, his legacy is ‘Trumpism’, the social movement galvanized and produced to support him throughout his one term (up until now) as the chief executive. But as to the concern of what was Trump and/or Trumpism, one might conclude, based upon the evidence, that he and his movement are proto-fascist or a precursor to straight-out fascism. Trump and Trumpism represent what Bertram Gross (see footnote 3) described as “friendly fascism”, a populist gradually developing, gradually creeping movement broadening its arms across U.S. politics. The levers of this motion– in the media, in education, in service, in financing, etc.– are developed, established, and maintained to snap into action whenever it is considered by the powers-that-be as needed to let loose and engage.

Throughout the existing reign of Biden & Co., the U.S. people is still undergoing polarization, control, and kept in heightened stress, though Biden’s job is to try to ameliorate the country’s racial, gender, and other divisions stimulated by the previous administration with a significant focus on regaining the Trump base of disaffected working-class voters through the CARES Act, the proposed facilities bill, and other palliatives in an effort to recover disaffected Democratic voters into the standard capitalist fold.

Question: Could you describe how Biden’s policies may be paving a political return for Trump or one of his ilk?

Colin Cavell: Donald J. Trump has never ever yielded his electoral loss in the 2020 governmental election; undoubtedly, he is as soon as again holding political rallies claiming he is the real victor of the contest albeit his supposedly “certainly evident success” was taken by the Biden project, the Democrats, the Deep State, Hugo Chavez, China, Rule, Smartmatic, etc. In result, the U.S. is running– although not obvious to Democrats and Biden-Harris fans– with dual governments, each declaring themselves as the legitimate rulers. Cognizant that the present administration will not go beyond the parameters of capitalist guideline, Trump delights in repeatedly assaulting Biden as promoting socialistic policies, influenced by “socialist” politicians within his party like Senator Bernie Sanders, Representatives Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Ayanna Pressley, Rashida Tlaib, et al., while Trump opposes whatever efforts are being proposed as supposedly denigrating and devastating America’s greatness. To counter a proto-fascist movement, one would easily understand if Biden championed the interests of the disaffected U.S. populace including racial minorities, ladies, and the working class by proposing legislation to remove trainee loan financial obligation, state a long-term moratorium on lease boosts and evictions, supply totally free tuition, enact universal healthcare, and so on, and so on. Rather however, so far, most of what Biden has proposed has mostly been symbolic in character, though perhaps not enough to keep long-lasting assistance. The one component that does galvanize assistance for Biden is the ongoing existence of Trump in the political arena, though Trump’s existence is also his Achilles’ heel. Trump, in other words, is a cancer on the body politic and is being enabled to metastasize.

Concern: Fans of Biden hail his $1.9 trillion American Rescue plan and a forthcoming $3 trillion infrastructure plan as representing a radical overhaul of the U.S. economy in favor of working-class people. By contrast, critics from the conservative Republican side condemn Biden’s strategies as driving the United States into “socialism”. How do you see this administration’s financial policies? Are they progressive? Are they socialist?

Colin Cavell: Biden, in the manner of President Franklin D. Roosevelt, is intending to find a way forward for U.S. capitalism in a time of crisis, though the political conditions which enabled FDR to move decisively and rapidly with measures to support a majority of “the people” (mostly white people at the time) while keeping capitalist guideline are not present. Constricted by the managers of financing capital, it is unlikely that he will get complete support from a divided Congress for his facilities expense, while his other major propositions stay dead on arrival unless the Democratic majority in Congress rejects the unconstitutional filibuster, a move which Biden and a variety of Democrats, up until now, decline.

Question: There appears to be a basic degeneration in political discourse in the United States where misunderstandings and distortions are commonplace. Biden and his Democrat Party are damned by Republican politicians as “far-left” and even “Marxists’. How would you define Biden’s Democrat Party? What represents the political mistaken beliefs rampant in the U.S.?

Colin Cavell: Political discourse in the United States remains strongly in the hands of the ruling capitalist elites; as such, there is no popular promotion of socialist, Marxist, or communist concepts within the U.S. mainstream, whether through the media, the law, education, or popular culture, etc. Belittling, deprecating, or denigrating Democrats, the Biden-Harris administration, “liberals”, and so on as socialists, communists, Marxists, far-leftists, hellish worshippers, non-Christians, etc. are old tropes made use of by capitalists and their supporters to advance political programs and professions over the years, albeit Trump particularly prefers this kind of demagoguery.

Concern: Would you concur that such basic political mistaken beliefs make it all the more problematic for fixing America’s numerous social and economic debilitations?

Colin Cavell: For the majority of U.S. history, ruling capitalist elites have been able to champion themselves as the leaders and defenders of a fantastic country spreading knowledge, science, secularism, constitutionalism and democracy throughout the United States and the world– that is, so long as no one truly critically taken a look at the actual record. So long as white supremacy and capitalist ideology controlled U.S. culture, or, a minimum of, those politically relevant to the upkeep of that culture, the U.S. knew no limitations, expanded itself into an empire, claimed to master area itself, and, for this reason, supplied want to millions toiling in anguish. Initially slowly and then powerfully essential sections of this scaffolding started to crack, collapse, and crash, specifically in the locations of race, gender, and class as knowledge and awareness of this abnormal and irremediable situation under the dominating system of their existential condition ended up being manifest to all.

One of the essential files of the United States is Federalist Number 10, penned by James Madison. In it, ostensibly to defend against the mischiefs and violence of faction, he sets out to the only recognized “minority” at the time– rich property owners– the crucial reasons they need to support and embrace the proposed new Constitution created in Philadelphia during the summer of 1787. In specific, Madison instructs:

The influence of factious leaders may kindle a flame within their particular States, but will be unable to spread out a basic blaze through the other States. A religious sect may degenerate into a political faction in a part of the Confederacy; however the variety of sects dispersed over the entire face of it need to secure the nationwide councils against any risk from that source. A rage for fiat money, for an abolition of financial obligations, for an equivalent department of residential or commercial property, or for any other inappropriate or wicked project, will be less apt to pervade the whole body of the Union than a particular member of it; in the exact same proportion as such a malady is most likely to taint a specific county or district, than a whole State.

To the level judgment elites can continue to work out control– through division, adjustment, prevarication, deception, chicanery, trickery, and other measures of sleight of hand– will U.S. capitalists have the ability to prevail versus all challengers to its ongoing rule. Political maturity on the part of much of the population, however, renders them less prone to such systems and, instead, increases their questioning of the authority of their rulers. And when it becomes apparent that the nature of the U.S. political system is that of a capitalist democracy, i.e. one that works continuously for the sole interests of the capitalist class, then the task of keeping Jack, Jill, Jamal, Jasmine, Javier, and Julieta material on the farm ends up being progressively hard.

Question: What do you see as the best existing social and economic problem dealing with the United States?

Colin Cavell: Class divisions or asymmetries in wealth and power within the U.S. are at their biggest levels because the late 19th century, the so-called “Gilded Age”. Reconciling and consisting of the stress intrinsic in such a social dynamic definitely must keep ruling elites up in the evening.

As a concomitant of these class departments, the country as an entire lacks a unifying function. While capitalists are positive and hopeful for whom and at what they work to achieve, employees, in general, feel abandoned, overlooked, dispossessed, and not represented by the political system nor its 2 primary political parties. While a country like contemporary China declares to rule for its working-class and can boast accomplishments supporting that proposal, the U.S. wages unlimited war against its working class by a no-longer hidden technique of divide-and-conquer.

Concern: What would you suggest as a fitting economic program that would efficiently solve the United States’ existing social issues?

Colin Cavell: Simply put, more democracy and a ruthless and vital evaluation of our allegedly democratic processes, institutions, and relationships both internally and externally.

Question: And are you concerned that if the United States does not fix these problems successfully then the return of Trump will result in a lot more hazardous department and conflict in American society?

Colin Cavell: It is primary, Politics 101, that 2 opposed expected rulers can not preside over the exact same population and territory all at once, simply as two oppositional socioeconomic systems can not be continual indefinitely within a single society. Hence, so long as political authority within American society stays questionable, instability will be the order of business.

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